International Economics of Thailand Essay

The country of Thailand is located in the southeast Asia region, south of China and immediately bordering Burma to the west, Laos to the East and Cambodia to the south. Around 65 million people inhabit Thailand with the capital and its largest city being Bangkok; the national currency is the baht. After a series of political and military turmoil thrashed the country in the mid 2000’s, December of 2007 earmarked the reinstatement of a democratic government as well as the inclusion of full democratic elections. The official language is Thai and has remained that since the country’s early beginnings. Buddhism encompasses most the Thailand’s population in terms of religion, nearly 95%, with all belonging to the Theravada denomination. On a global scale Thailand is quite a large country for how small it is geographically; it ranks 50th as far as total area, and is the 20th most populous in the world. Thailand is abundant in both land and labor factors of production. The land measures roughly 510,890 sq km and is full of natural resources such as tin, rubber, natural gas, timber, lead, fish, and many metals. The large amount of agricultural production lead to a GDP of $539.3 billion in 2009. The 2009 household consumption expenditure was 2.05% even though the real GDP growth rate was -2.2%2. The final factor of production for Thailand, labor, is another one of their most abundant resources. In 2009, the labor force was comprised of 38.43 million people. They were divided between 42.4% working in agriculture, 19.7% in industry, and 37.9% in services3. This is consistent with the large amount of arable land throughout the country. With much production occurring in the agricultural sector, is makes sense that Thailand exports agricultural commodities. The country also exports machinery and electronic components, and jewelry. The machinery and electronic parts are a major export because of the size of the labor force.  Jewelry exports are large due to the amount of natural metals and jewels found in the land. The exports drive the economy and account for more than half of GDP. In 2009, exports totaled $150.7 billion. The major importers are the United States at 10.94%, China at 10.58%, Japan with 10.32%, Hong Kong with 6.22%, and Australia importing 5.62%3. The global financial crisis of 2008-2009 severely hurt Thailand’s exports with most industries dropping a large percent. Imports were also affected the financial crises. in 2009, they totaled $118 billion. Most imports were in capital goods, intermediate goods, and raw materials. This is because of the lack of capital factors of production and the large labor force. Thailand imports from Japan (18.7%), China (12.73%), Malaysia (6.41%), United States (6.31%), and UAE (4.98%)3. [pic] It seems to be that the groups benefiting most from trade are the farmers and factory workers. The farmers have the largest labor force and therefore the highest amount of exports in the country. The factory workers are also benefiting from the import of cheap intermediate goods and raw materials from China and Malaysia. They then use the abundance of labor to produce machinery for export. In 2009, Thailand had a trade surplus of roughly $32.7 billion. Long before the liberalization of Thailand’s economy and its move to become an export-promoting economy in the mid 1980s, Thai governments have pursued Free Trade Agreements (FTA’s) and economic cooperation with fellow countries in the Eastern Hemisphere and of course, the USA. In 1967, Thailand help create the Association for South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). ASEAN was founded to promote nation building, tackle communism and increase economic cooperation. This act has served as the foundation for establishing future FTA’s. Continuous dialog and a desire for economic growth led to the eventual signing of the ASEAN Free-Trade Agreement (AFTA). This paved the way for the elimination of tariffs for goods with 40% of its free on-board value having local input from ASEAN member countries (asean). Following the success of AFTA and its role in facilitating local  manufacturing industries, ASEAN countries sought to expand these FTA’s. This has led to signed FTA’s between ASEAN and China, India, Japan, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand. In addition, Thai and US authorities have been working on an inconclusive US-Thailand FTA since 2004. These agreements have grown Thailand’s export markets and such access to vast growing economies has allowed Thailand to quickly return to growth following the 2008 Global Recession. Unfortunately, with all the free-trade agreements, Thailand continues to have multiple barriers to entry for most foreign entrants and even some domestic ones. They are primarily in the service and transport sectors as well as sectors with significant local production. These include tariffs, quantitative barriers, customs barriers and taxation. Few of the most affected industries are finance, law, telecommunications, air and maritime transport, wood, textiles, transport equipment and professional services. In the finance industry, foreign investors are allowed a limited equity investment of up to 49% of the company. Any investment that amounts to greater than that is treated on a case-by-case basis by the government. In addition, foreign banks have limitations on their lending capabilities and the expansion of branches. Telecommunications also limits foreign investment and in addition to this, the government allocates frequency spectrum that have resulted in two telecommunications companies dominating the industry (Dee, 2004) (US Embassy, Bangkok, 2009). On the other hand, foreigners may own Law firms in Thailand, but only Thai-citizens may provide legal services. At-best, in certain cases, foreign citizens can serve in a limited capacity as a consultant. Such a nationality requirement extends to other professional services such as accountants and physicians as well where Thai-citizens have a higher priorit and only non-citizens that are a resident of Thailand and fluent in Thai are eligible. Industries such as wood and wood products (12.5% tariff), transport equipment (31% tariff) and textiles (25% tariff) continue to have import tariffs and licenses to encourage local production and ensure it is not  harmed. All of these tariffs are between 2 and 4 times the global average (Dee, 2004). Such tariffs are common practice all over the world to protect local businesses. In addition to these tariffs, Thailand’s barriers include several indirect methods that have a less tangible impact. Thailand’s complicated tax system is one such example. When one adds up the import tariff, excise duties and other sales tax on imported alcohol, the price is 400% higher. To complement these barriers, Thailand’s government adapted a â€Å"Buy Thai† policy, much to the resentment of foreign investors. In addition, the Customs department reserves the right to arbitrarily increase the import value of goods (US Embassy, Bangkok, 2009). Lastly, the lack of enforcement of Intellectual Property Rights and Patent laws cost US companies $400 million in 2007 (US Embassy, Bangkok, 2009). Pharma companies and Hollywood have had the most direct impact due to copyright infringements, delayed patents and its non-enforcement. Such haphazard barriers by the Thai government can dissuade potential investors. These barriers have a multi-purpose aim. Some tariffs are meant to be revenue generating tariffs, while others cost escalating. These cost-escalating tariffs stand to protect a local industry such as textile manufacturing, wood and timber logging. Barriers in the maritime and air transport have large capital requirements to enter it as well as a vested government interest in the form of state-owned airlines, airports and ports. Other barriers related to haphazard law enforcement and the â€Å"buy Thai† policy and seem less so economic barriers and more so politically motivated ones. A reversal in such barriers would allow air-passenger transport, maritime transport and communications to benefit the most and enable the finance, law and professional services industry to shore up its presence in Thailand while continuing to expand trade, commerce and therefore economic growth in the country. Simultaneously, the government aimed to stimulate domestic and foreign private investment over the coming decade by adapting Export Promotion (EP)  policies that decreased import tariffs, eliminated export tariffs and established the Board of Investment of Thailand (BOI). While initial investments were aimed at domestic-market production, this quickly moved to export-oriented production that was not limited by the size of the domestic market. This led to Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) ballooning from $40 million in 1970-1974 to $19 billion in 2006 (Kohpaiboon). Countries such as Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan had successfully adapted to export promotion policies while even more countries saw the negative effects of import substitution policies (South America). These polar effects point out the benefits of a trade-centered integrated economy. An exponential increase in FDI requires a stable banking system that is globally integrated. Unlike its Asian peers, almost half of Thailand’s 37 banks are foreign banks such as HSBC, Citibank and Standard Chartered. This has resulted in a strong banking system with assets worth 200% of GDP (Datamonitor, 2010). Other developing countries continue struggle with a government dominated banking system and low population penetration. Sustained growth in FDI has had spillover effects on Thailand’s human capital development and R&D projects to further aid economic growth. The BOI, since 2006 has been actively promoting R&D investments, bagging projects from companies such as Toyota, Honda and Siam Cement. In addition to this, the government has allocated $3 billion in the next 5-year plan for R&D projects with institutes such as Asian Institute of Technology taking lead (Datamonitor, 2010). Such spending has allowed domestic companies to adapt current technologies used world over while evolving new ones. This is a drastic change from the mid-1980s in Thailand when oxes and manual labor characterized agriculture and industry alike. In order for the results of R&D projects to be useful and then successful, an educated workforce is necessary. Starting in 1960, Thailand expanded its schooling system and made schooling mandatory for the first 7 years (Ministry of Education, 1998). A full generation later, the basic impact is visible. By 2006, Thailand boasted a 92% literacy rate, comparable in the region (Taiwan, Hong Kong, South Korea, Japan and Malaysia boast 90%+  literacy rates) and allocates 27% of its national budget to education (Malaysia allocated 20%) (UNDP, 2009). One current constraint is that 80% of the current workforce has had only primary education. However, the long-term impact of education should change this statistic over the coming decade and encourage further labor efficiencies. Unfortunately, a primary educated workforce is not Thailand’s main constraint to growth. In the years following a decade of high-paced growth, the Asian Financial Crisis, consequent political upheavals, natural disasters, corruption and such threatened to derail the Thai story of growth. In spite of all this growth, the high short-term external debt of its government nearly bankrupted Thailand, caused the stock exchange to lose 75% of its market value and devalued the then-pegged Baht by over 50%. The Thai economy came to a halt with layoffs across industries, depressed asset prices and a 12% cumulative drop in output for 1997-1998. This led to an inevitable $40 billion IMF-led rescue package for the most affected Asian economies (Hunter, Kaufman, & Krueger, 1999). The package allowed Thailand’s economy to stay solvent and resume growth only in 1999. The Asian Financial Crisis marked a start in Thailand’s sporadic political upheavals. This culminated in 2006 when Prime Minister Thaksin was removed from office in a bloodless coup while he attending the UN General Assembly in front of the world’s eyes. The 4 years since has seen scores of public demonstrations, 3 Prime Ministers and a riot culminating in the summer 2010 stand-off between the armed forces and pro-Thaksin demonstrators in central Bangkok. Meanwhile, neighboring countries such as Philippines, Vietnam and even Indonesia have moved toward political stability with their leaders transitioning their country into a period of economic growth (Marshall, 2010). These upheavals are a source of concern to international and domestic businesses and have a negative ripple effect through the economy. In fact, Thaksin is not the only corrupt politician to grace Thailand. Corruption plagues many institutions and bureaucracy’s there. Transparency international ranked Thailand 84th out of 178 countries on the Global  Corruption Index with China falling ahead in 78th position and India just behind in 87th place. Like most sizable developing countries, corruption is rampant in Thailand and other high-profile cases include the governor of Bangkok, Mr. Apirak. In 2009, the Thai government reported that the most number of corruption complaints within government agencies were filed against the Customs Department (Datamonitor, 2010). Taking cue from Singapore, Thailand must be more pro-active in reducing this rampant corruption in order to focus on economic and social development. Singapore along with New Zealand and Denmark topped the least for least corrupt countries (Zee News, 2010). Another growth constraint is natural disasters. In 2004, an earthquake followed by a tsunami caused widespread havoc and destruction. While Thailand’s direct impact was lower than Indonesia, with over 5,000 lives lost, 30,000 fishing boats and 120,000 tourism jobs lost, its effects cannot be ignored. Such continued disasters can hamper progress and instead undo years of economic development. Countries ranging from Indonesia to Seychelles were affected by this (United Nations, 2005). As the 1997 Financial Crisis demonstrated, Thailand is very integrated into the world’s economy. Therefore, with the arrival of the Great Recession in 2008, demand for its export-oriented production began to fall. Thailand’s dependence on exports put the country into a yearlong recession that it is now out of. In fact, Thailand is expected to grow at 4% this year. This quick recovery has been due to the deliberate public spending undertaken by the government. With the government undertaking a 5-year plan to boost infrastructure spending and reduce poverty, Thailand should see sustained growth over the coming years. As Thailand emerges from the Great Recession of 2008, there are several helpful pointers Thailand has taken from its experiences since the Asian Financial Crisis. The Thai government has learned of the benefits of a balanced budget, they successfully reduced government debt between 2002 and 2008, repaid IMF loans (2 years early) and regained growth. While corruption continues to exist, Thailand has an increasingly tougher National Counter  Corruption Commission and current Prime Minister Abhisit has proposed a Reconciliation Plan to create a more transparent, clean government. The tsunami has resulted in the implementation of an emergency alert system thereby preventing future calamities, social and economic losses. With a majority of new growth coming from Asia, Thailand is optimally situated as an export economy in the region. Strong historical ties to the US will ensure economic cooperation as the US economic recovery progresses. Continued spending on education will result in an efficient, productive labor-force allowing Thailand to grow from just an international finance center to an advanced technology driven, export oriented economy in the years to come. Economic policy outlook The government is pushing ahead with a major fiscal stimulus program worth Bt1.4trn (US$43bn), which is to run until 2012. However, the fiscal position is weak, and the government could struggle to finance the program in full without risking future financial stability. This second-stage stimulus program, known as Thai Khem Khaeng (Strong Thailand), centers on infrastructure projects as well as investment in agriculture, education and health. Owing to the fact that the government has only limited fiscal freedom (constitutional restrictions cap the budget deficit in any year at 20% of total expenditure), the majority of the programs spending is off-budget and is financed through increased borrowing. The government actually plans to reduce budgetary spending in fiscal year 2009/10 (October-September) in an attempt to contain the fiscal deficit, which ballooned in 2008/09 owing to a first-stage stimulus program that included cash grants and subsidies. The government is proposing another expansionary budget in 2010/11. As the economy begins to recover in 2010, the Bank of Thailand (BOT, the central bank) will begin to raise interest rates to contain inflation. As for the fiscal policy, the government will run a substantial budget deficit in 2010-11, but it should be narrower than in 2009, when it reached the equivalent of 4.4% of GDP. After reducing planned expenditure in 2009/10  by Bt200bn (US$5.8bn), the government proposes to increase it by about Bt400bn in 2010/11. It is also stimulating the economy with the Thai Khem Khaeng program of off-budget expenditure. Whether or not the program succeeds in stimulating growth, hinges mostly on its implementation. There is a risk that some funds will be lost to corruption or will be wasted, as was highlighted by a recent admission by the Comptrollergenerals Department that funding for projects previously rejected by the Budget Bureau had been approved owing to the government!s determination to proceed with economic stimulus. Assuming that the government receives full parliamentary approval to borrow another Bt400bn in the next three years, public debt could rise sharply relative to GDP in 2010-11. However, the finance minister, Korn Chatikavanij, recently said that as revenue growth so far in 2009/10 had exceeded expectations, the government might not need to borrow as much as it had originally planned. The BOT will begin to tighten monetary policy in second half of 2010 as the economy starts to recover and core inflation (which excludes raw foods and energy) accelerates. However, the central bank will not raise interest rates sharply, as there are still major risks to the recovery, and core inflation, which stood at 0.5% in January-February, remains at the low end of the official target range of 0.5-3%. The BOT has also expressed concern that prematurely raising the one-day repurchase rate†which stands at 1.25%, having been lowered by 250 basis points between December 2008 and April 2009†³could lead to inflows of foreign capital, pushing up asset prices to unsustainable levels and causing the baht to strengthen further. Works Cited CIA. (2010). Thailand. Retrieved November 20, 2010, from CIA – The World Factbook: www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/th.html Datamonitor. (2010). Thailand, In-depth PESTLE Insights. Datamonitor. Falvey, L. (2001). Thai Agriculture: Golden Cradle of Millennia. White Lotus Co Ltd. Hunter, W., Kaufman, G., & Krueger, T. (1999). The Asian Financial Crisis: Origins, Implications and Solutions. Ministry of Education. (1998). History of Thai Education. Retrieved November 2010, from Ministry of Education, Thailand: www.moe.go.th/main2/article/e-hist.htm UNDP. (2009). United Nations Development Programme. United Nations. United Nations. (2005). Impact on Thailand. United Nations. Zee News. (2010, October 26). India Slips Three Places in Global Corruption Rankings. Retrieved November 2010, from Zee News: www.zeenews.com/news663930.html Citation â€Å"Thailand.† Country Report. Thailand (2010): 1-27. Business Source Premier. EBSCO. Web. 13 Dec. 2010 ASEAN. (n.d.). Overview – asean. Retrieved from association of southeast asian nations: http://www.aseansec.org/64.htm Dee, P. (2004). A Systematic Evaluation of Services Trade Barriers: The Case of Thailand. Washington DC: Australian National University. â€Å"Thailand†. World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agnecy. Accessed November 23, 2010. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/th.html â€Å"Thailand Natural Resources†. Index Mundi. Updated 2010. Accessed November 23, 2010. http://www.indexmundi.com/thailand/natural_resources.html

It 236 Navigation Checkpoint

Check Point: Navigation University of Phoenix/Axia IT 236 January 11, 2010 Benjamin Reine Well the design of my page really is going to be determined on the amount of time I have to complete the assignment/ webpage. I would like it to function like a lot of the website which I go to. I will try to explain the things they do right and the things which are annoying but are set the way they are for security reasons. The first website I will describe is the PayPal website. I visit this website a lot (I have been doing a lot of shopping on eBay lately) and have come to love how easy it is to navigate their website.They also seem to have a lot of security built into their website. For instance if a user sits around on one page for too long it will automatically sign them out and they will have to sign back in. I think this is a great security feature, although it can be a little annoying to have to sign back in. This feature is only useful for banks and websites that deal with sensitive in formation but I feel my website should not feature that but still have some sort of security feature in it. At the current moment I do not know what security features to use with my web page final.Another website I visit a lot and have many features I want to include in my assignment is tiger direct and Newegg. The way the website is setup is awesome and easy to use. Everything is so organized (which is how I want my website to be). They have some flash animations playing showing deals and contests and also have gifs. I included a picture of Newegg’s layout (that is the main page when you first enter the website) and as you see at the top of the website are the categories of everything on the website.As you go over each you section on the top the open to reveal items for that specific section such as computer parts having towers, DVD drives, hard drives, etc. Electronics would have consoles, televisions, mp3 players, etc. This is how I would like my website to function but th e way it seems it may not come to be (I do not know how to create a java menu like that) due to time restrictions and self doubt. Maybe I will get over it and try it but maybe not (time constrictions are the getting the best of me). Another feature I would like to include in my webpage’s is the contact me section at the bottom of a lot of websites.This is important because this would be how users and patrons get in contact with you if problems persist or they want to give suggestions on how to make the website much better. It would include an email or two and maybe a telephone number to get in contact with. Another feature that I saw that really interested me was the way that tiger direct and Newegg’s websites both try to incorporate thee users into contests so they may come back to the website to purchase more items (it is kind of like a advertisement per say) and garner more revenue.This would be a great feature to add to a lot of websites (many of which need this ki nd of thing but never incorporate it). I would add such a thing but since the website is an assignment I will not add it. The last thing that catches my attention on these two websites is the way they use their fonts and wording. I like the way they are setup and how they flow with the page and are not all over the place. I think the website users times new roman as its main font but I may be wrong.I will be using times new roman and probably comic sans for my final. I think it would fit with the type of website that I am trying to do here. I just need to figure out how to incorporate webpage’s to pop up when they are chosen (like going and clicking on forum and it should take you to forum; I do not know how to do that yet). Hopefully by the time week 9 is around to me I can figure it out if not I will instant message my teacher in order to receive some help.

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Are the Risks of Derivatives Manageable - Essay Example The ideas of Thomas A. Bass, who considers that the risks of derivatives are manageable are compared and evaluated with the ideas presented by Justin Welby who argues that the risks of derivatives are not manageable. As per the idea presented by Justin Welby, it can be said that if proper policies and procedures are implemented and maintained derivatives can be used as an effective way to cater and manage a lot of financial risks. However, strong controls are required so as to protect speculation and heavy losses to corporations because of the wrong or unethical use of these heavy duty financial instruments. Are the Risks of Derivatives Manageable? Derivatives and Risks of Derivatives Derivatives are financial instruments or contracts that are settled on occurrence or non occurrence of an event. As explained by Hu in his paper derivatives are the contracts that ‘allow or obligate’ the user / drawer of the agreement to buy or sell the underlying asset at any time in future at the specified cost / price. Hu also explained in his paper that changes in the value of the assets also changes the value of the said contract. This underlying asset can be interest rates, exchange rates, stocks, commodity, goods, etc. (Hu, 1993). Derivatives are either traded in derivative markets or can be directly made or created through any Financial Institution (including banks). Derivatives are widely used these days by corporate entities and other users in order to manage and control the risks associated with financial transactions and hedge the risks of changes in rates of commodities, interest rates, market conditions or foreign currency rates. Hu in his paper also points out the reasons to opt for the derivatives which are: 1. The costs of entering into derivatives contracts (also known as the transactional costs) are much less than buying the underlying assets; (Hu, 1993) 2. Further the risks of change in the price differential between the derivative and underlying assets can be arbitraged; and (Hu, 1993) 3. Derivatives help the users to ‘transfer the market risks’. (Hu, 1993) Derivatives can be in many forms and types ‘including futures, options, swaps, forwards, structured debt obligations and deposits, etc’ (Comptroller of the currency administrator of national banks website, 1997). These financial instruments pose many risks on the users and both the parties involved (that is the drawer and the drawee of the derivative contracts) which include the following risks as presented in the Comptrollers Handbook: 1. Risk of change in the price of investment portfolios, commodities or underlying assets / commodities; (Comptrol ler of the currency administrator of national banks website, 1997) 2. Risk of change in interest rates that may lead to increase or decrease in the prices of investment and earnings; (Comptroller of the currency administrator of national banks website, 1997) 3. Risk of changes in foreign exchange rates specially in case of currency derivatives or where more than one currency is involved; (Comptroller of the currency administrator of national banks website, 1997) 4. Risk of changes in equity or commodity prices in case of equity derivatives lead to risks on the prices and returns on derivatives; (Comptroller of the currency administrator of national banks website, 1997) 5. Risk of Liquidity or credit risks, which means the inability to discharge derivative obligations; (Comptroller of the currency administrator of national banks website, 1997) 6. Transactional risks that means the inability of the parties involved to carry out the derivatives transactions in an effective and efficien t manner. (Comptroller of t

Investment and Selling Price Essay Example for Free

Investment and Selling Price Essay Turnhilm, Inc. is considering adding a small electric mower to its product line. Management believes that in order to be competitive, the mower cannot be priced above $139. The company requires a minimum return of 25% on its investments. Launching the new product would require an investment of $8,000,000. Sales are expected to be 40,000 units of the mower per year. Required: Compute the target cost of a mower. 57. The management of Hettler Corporation would like to set the selling price on a new product using the absorption costing approach to cost-plus pricing. The companys accounting department has supplied the following estimates for the new product: Management plans to produce and sell 4,000 units of the new product annually. The new product would require an investment of $643,000 and has a required return on investment of 20%. Required: a. Determine the unit product cost for the new product. b. Determine the markup percentage on absorption cost for the new product. c. Determine the target selling price for the new product using the absorption costing approach. 58. Bourret Corporation is introducing a new product whose direct materials cost is $42 per unit, direct labor cost is $16 per unit, variable manufacturing overhead is $9 per unit, and variable selling and administrative expense is $3 per unit. The annual fixed manufacturing overhead associated with the product is $84,000 and its annual fixed selling and administrative expense is $16,000. Management plans to produce and sell 4,000 units of the new product annually. The new product would require an investment of $1,022,400 and has a required return on investment of 10%. Management would like to set the selling price on a new product using the absorption costing approach to cost-plus pricing. Required: a. Determine the unit product cost for the new product. b. Determine the markup percentage on absorption cost for the new product. c. Determine the target selling price for the new product using the absorption costing approach.

Drinking Ticket Paper Essay Example for Free

Drinking Ticket Paper Essay It was a long, full day of work and I was ready to get back to the dorm to relax and have some fun, after all, it was my best friends birthday. We decided to go out for his birthday dinner for him and have a few drinks before we headed out. We had music cranking, we were singing and having a good end of the week party. Drinks began passing around and we took a turn for the worst, an RA outside our door smelled alcohol. Immediately the RA told us to open up to see what was going on, as if he didn’t already know, he too is a college student. So we all knew we had been caught so we let him come in to give us our punishments and go on with our soon to be sober lives. But as he walked in the room, cops decided to take a peak at what was going on. The RA told us he was upset with the cops â€Å"randomly showing up† but I didn’t believe him, and I still don’t. The cops made the RA walk us to the sinks with our pride and joy and dump it all down the drain. He was surprised as to how cooperative we were and almost let us off the hook for a violation, but realized we were income for him. So he got the breathalyzer out, skipped our rights and handed all of us drinking tickets like he’d done many times before. I have never been so upset in my life; so mad I started punching my bed and pillow. What I thought was going to be the peak of my week turned out to go down the drain just like my Wild Turkey 101. Looking back at it now, I don’t feel like it has impacted me as bad as I thought it was going to. Yes, my bank account is feeling the pain, but my hands have finally stopped hurting. I have gotten a lawyer who told me to do 24 hours of community service and take a drinking class by my court date. Not too bad, the punishment could be much worse. The drinking ticket hasn’t stopped me from going out, but it has stopped me from drinking. Since then I haven’t had a sip of alcohol at school and I actually enjoy it, watching other people do dumb stuff is just as fun as actually drinking, and it’s legal! I sure have learned my lesson just as I always do, the hard way. How this can affect my future Before this ticket ever happened, I had never thought how much a drinking ticket could really affect my life, nor did I think I would ever get one. Since the ticket I have put a lot of thought into how it can affect my near future as well as my far future. Now that I have a drinking ticket, employers could not higher me because of suspicion that I would break other laws to give him or her company a bad name. Also with this ticket I have a misdemeanor on my record. I never thought of myself being a criminal or having a bad record, but now I have one for a stupid think I did one night. Because of this being on my record, a policeman could take me to jail for something small such as a speeding ticket. The worst part of having the drinking ticket is that the school has put me on probation. I didn’t think this was a big deal because my grades are fine, but when I went to go and register for new classes I have to call the school and get my account temporarily upheld. This made registration for my class in the spring semester a lot harder than it usually is because all the classes that I wanted to take were either filled up or at a point in the day that I don’t want to be in class (8am). Because of this awful timing, I may sleep in through my classes and get a lower grade than I would like to have. One other thing that the drinking ticket has taken away from my future is that Campus Living will not hire me as a Resident Advisor because I can’t be trusted. Goals Since I have entered college I have set many goals for myself, most of these being current grades. Some of the goals that I have look into the future and those are the ones that can be most affected by this ticket. I want to maintain a 3. 0 GPA at the very lowest so that I can chose which major I want as a graduate student. This ticket has made this a lot harder to happen because of the amount of community service that I have had to do in the past few weeks, I have no spare time to relax either, but that’s what college is about. Because I am on probation with the school I couldn’t register for the classes that I wanted because I had to wait for the school to unlock my account. Because of this I now have a harder schedule and may not do as well as planned. I do believe that I can work through these classes next semester if I can manage to wake up on time. Other goals that I have at ECU is to be more involved and even president of a few clubs at the school. I have not looked into this part, but a drinking ticket could dictate whether or not I am able to run this part of the club. Since I have been at ECU I have met many friends and have had a great time, even with all the work that is contently due. I am hoping that this drinking ticket doesn’t affect my future here at school and can get taken off of my record. Since the ticket I have not had a sip of alcohol and don’t plan to until I turn 21, I think I can wait another year and a half, not a big deal in my mind. I’ll just watch other people get into trouble and make fools of themselves when they are out trying to have fun and meet new people. In a way I am sort of thankful that this has happened. I am also glad that the turnout has not been as bad as I originally thought it was going to be. I could have had to go to jail or been in far more trouble with the school, so that’s one way to look at the situation positively. I am very sorry for drinking on campus and will not let it happen again, I don’t even want to drink anymore now that I have stopped for a few months.

US and EU Approaches Towards Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

US and EU Approaches Towards Israeli-Palestinian Conflict The discipline of International Relations is both an academic as well a public policy arena, which emerges from political science. It is the subject and channel of International Relations, which adequately addresses a foreign policy of a state within the confines of an international system. International relations also take into account role of international organizations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), as well as multinational companies/corporations. Since the primary objective of international relations is both an analysis as well as formulation of a foreign policy, it could either be positive, or normative. In order for a foreign policy tube either positive or normative, it has to inculcate such diverse areas and subjects as political science, economics, history, law, philosophy, area studies, sociology, cultural studies, and a number of other social sciences; hence its utility for both analysis as well as formulation of foreign policy. In addition, it also includes and addresses such varied set of issues as economic development, foreign aid, environmental movement, nationalism, nuclear proliferation and human rights. However, for international relations to be practically applicable, effective, or at the least in the realm body of ideas, there are various theories, which ultimately lead us to the real world of policy. International relations theories thus provide a set of guidelines allowing us to agree to, as well as arrive at shaping better international outcomes. In addition, international relation theories allow for a better understanding of world events, and wherever necessary, provide for better solutions to the numerous issues and problems faced by the world community. One may also note that any theory, including the various international theories may not provide for answers to all the problems and issues faced by the world community; yet they do provide and assist us in first thinking about and then finding probable and the most viable solutions to the horde of problems and issues faced by the world community. At the onset, international relation theories can and do provide us with alternatives, and possibly even anticipate the various courses of international events in the global spectrum of politics. Some of the most common and practiced international theories include â€Å"Constructivism, Institutionalism, Marxism, and Neo-Gramscianism. Yet, the most dominant international theories, or rather the schools of thought which have been practiced in international politics include the international theories of Realism and Liberalism (Walt, 1998, p29. Introduction Having briefly touched upon the subject of international relations and international relation theories, the following dissertation will strive to address the said two disciplines within the context of one of the past centuries most disputed international issue; the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The dissertation will thus address this pressing international issue from the perspective of various international theories, with a particular focus on the different approaches taken by the United States of America, and that taken by the European Union. For a better understanding of the different perspectives and approaches taken by the United States of America and the European Union respectively, it would only be imperative that an equal and in-depth study the various international relations theories be also made part of this dissertation. The study of the more dominant, if not all the international theories becomes all the more importance as both the United States of America and the European Union group of nations each follow a somewhat different set of strategies in their international relations. The same is true for Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as both the United States of America as one international player, and the European Union group of nations as the second major player each address, view, and practice more than just a passing difference to one of the present days most pressing international conflict. As the present dissertation addresses the primary subject of the recent different approaches of the United States of America and the European for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular, and the Middle East Peace Process in general, it would only be imperative to commence the paper with the respective international relation theories, and through the study of these theories, present how respective international relations theories have influenced the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The following dissertation will thus strive to address the various international relation theories in brief, namely the theories of ‘Realism, Liberalism, and Constructivism,’ Though all these international relation theories enjoy their distinct places in international relations and politics, the theories of Realism and Constructivism are the ones that are practiced more commonly. Since these two theories comprise and are considered standard policy, the same will comprise of majority of the discussion in the present dissertation. The international relations theory of realism being the most widely practiced, and the fact that it is this vital theory that has been at the helm of most, if not all US foreign policies, the same has also been adopted by majority of nations friendly with the United States, or have been her allies at one time or another. This will be followed by a discussion of the second most vitally important international relations theory, that of ‘Constructivism’. It is this theory of constructivism that has largely been pursued by majority, if not all the European Union nations. The primary distinction between the theory of realism and that of constructivism is that, the theory of realism premises on the realist approach, as the term so states. On the other hand, the theory of constructivism largely relies on softer modes of communication, negotiation, socialization, and pursuit of ends through peaceful measures. The dissertation will then proceed with discussions on both the United States and the European Union nations, and address the perspective and approach taken by each on the issue of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in light of the pertinent international relations theory. Some of the Dominant International Relation Theories In Brief  International Theory of Realism One of the primary topics to be discussed in the present dissertation is the role or perspective of the United States of Americano the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and show whether the United States is influenced by ideas from the international relation theory of â€Å"Realism. In this context, it would only be imperative to present brief on the international relations theory of Realism, some of its key assumptions, and then arrive at the US approach respectively. A brief on the international relations theory of Realism reveals that it has often been associated with German terms of real and realitatimplying substantive or as the term so states real; and politikimplying politics or policy. Both these terms were perhaps first coined by one of Germanys leaders in the earlier part of the 20thcentury, Bismarck. In his attempts to bring about a suitable balance of power amongst the various European states, Bismarck sought peace as one of the most viable solutions in the then Europe of the earlier 20thcentury. Bismarck was aided by a number of realpolitik practitioners â€Å"who worked equally hard to avoid an arms race in Europe. Bismarck’s efforts however did not bear any fruit, as the early part of the 20thcentury witnessed arms race amongst the various nations of Europe, as well as formation of various alliances culminating in one of humanity’s first ever global tragedies, that of World War I. Some of the principle theorist of the international theory of â€Å"Realism â€Å"includes Carr, Kenneth N. Waltz, and Hans J. Morgenthau. However, it was Morgenthaus Politics Among Nations, which perhaps formally systemized classical Realism. According to Margenthau, there exist six principles, which he outlined in his famous book, Politics Among Nations. These six points are presented in the first chapter of his above said book. These vitally important facets of Morgenthau’s Theory of Realism are: International relations †¦is governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature. The key consideration †¦is the concept of interest defined in terms of power’. †¦Interest defined as power is an objective category which is universally valid, although its exact meaning may change with time and circumstance. While moral principles have a place, they cannot be defined identically at every time and place, and apply differently to individuals and the state. The moral aspirations of a particular nation†¦ are not moral laws that govern the universe. Politics is an autonomous sphere that needs to be analysed as an entity, without being subordinated to outside values (Morgenthau, 1973,Chapter 1) International Theory of Realism In-depth studies on the international relations theory of Realism â€Å"reveal that there exist a number of primary assumptions, which guide the followers, or practitioners of the Realism theory. One of the first assumptions of Realism theory is that the entire international system is anarchic implying that that is the state alone is the supreme authority, and no other state or states can or have the capacity to regulate the affairs of another state. The theory of Realism further assumes that any higher supreme authority cannot dictate a state, and that there is no existence of any world government. This implies that each state must strive to create relations with other states on their own, instead of being dictated to do so. The theory of Realism â€Å"further assumes that there is no role for any international organization, non-governmental organization, or multi-national corporation in the affairs of the state, and that the sovereignty of astute governs all the international affairs. Thus, following the assumptions of the theory of Realism, a state is a rational actor amongst the community of global nations, and will always strive toward sits self-interest, which in turn call for ensuring the state’s security. Continuing with the theory of Realism, the same state will take all measures to secure its status as a sovereign nation including but not limited to amassing of resources, and relations with other states to be determined by the respective level of power enjoyed by the other state/s. The level of power in turn is assessed from the respective states economic and military capability. Perhaps the most stringent assumption inherent in the international relations theory of â€Å"Realism is its belief that states are inherently aggressive, and further that a states economic or military expansion can only be limited by the powers of the opposing state. (Waltz, 1964; Karl et al,1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) A further insight into the international relation theory of â€Å"Realism shows that it is divided into two sub-schools of thought, namely maximal realism and minimal realism. The first sub-school of realism, the maximal realism asserts that a state enjoys the status of the most powerful entity in the world, and that all other states ‘align themselves with this powerful state, and that too in their own interest and out of political necessity. The theory of maximal realism further assumes and somewhat asserts that, if there are two equally powerful entities in the world, it presents an unstable international political scenario. A prime example to this respect is that of period of Cold War between the Soviet Union and the United States of America. According the maximal theory of Realism, such a situation will eventually lead to a stable international situation where one entity or state becomes more powerful, while the other into a less powerful entity respectively. (Waltz, 1964; Karl et al, 1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) The second sub-school of Realism, that of minimal realism ‘assumes that the smaller and less powerful entities or states will align themselves with the most powerful entity in the world, and this would be brought about to protect the interests of the smaller and less powerful states from the interests of the larger and single most powerful entity or state. The theory of minimal realism also assumes middle policy where two equally powerful states exist, and where the smaller and less powerful states may align themselves with either of the larger powerful state. The choice of selecting one of the larger and powerful states depends on the smaller states policies of the moment. This also implies that the smaller state may remain aligned with both the powerful states at the same time, yet pursue and align with one state keeping in view the interests and policies on a given area of politics, issue, or social problem. (Waltz, 1964; Karl et al,1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) International Relations Theory of Neo-Realism There exist yet another school of thought, one that is termed sane-realism. This was first coined by Kenneth N. Waltz in 1979, and was in fact an attempt at reformulating the original theory of ‘Realism in a modern and scientific perspective. One of the most works of Waltz was The Theory of International Politics, which aimed to rid the original theory of Realism of its defects. The Neo-Realism ‘school of thought, with Waltz as one of its first proponents assumes and addresses the international relations in terms of the various ‘structural properties of the international system’ which focuses on the distribution of power. The Neo-Realism theory in international relations somewhat rejects the variable of human nature in both times of war as well as peace. The neo-realism theory also neglects domestic politics of a given state, which is perhaps the darkest element of this theory. Neglecting domestic policies of states in turn paves the path for conflict and move towards war, both of which are primarily detrimental to the respective state as well as its populations. In addition, neo-realism theorys primary assumption that the international system is anarchic, as also reiterated in the opening lines of theory of realism, further confirms the theorys own assumptions that conflict and war cannot be avoided. In times of anarchy, as are the assumptions of the neo-realism theory, states pursue goals of security, either through self-help such as amassment of economic and military resources, or through the formation of alliances with those who enjoy the status the most powerful states in the world. However, the pursuit of security goals for a particular states through the neo-realism theory, whether through self-help, or through the alliances with other organizations both is somewhat practical for a short period only. As this theory does not provide a permanent solution to the security needs of that respective nation simply due to the ‘security dilemma where each state is witnessed to ever vigorously pursue attempts to improve its security, in turn provoking other states to do the same. The result of such conflicting approaches is none other than an insecure state, a condition that originally prompted the state to take or adopt policies according to the theory one-realism respectively. (Waltz, Theory of International Politics) Yet another equally negative element of the neo-realism theory is its rejection of international institutions, which normally serve as regulators of state behaviour as well as promotion pdf peace. According to the theorists of neo-realism, the international institutions are entities of self-interested great powers. The role of international institutions as per the theorists of neo-realism is limited to reflection of, instead of providing a concrete shape to the existing distribution of power in a given state. Furthermore, it is the balance of power and its pursuit, which holds true for followers of neo-realism theory. For the governance of, and pursuit of accomplishing a balance of power, the greater and more powerful entities or states acquire both the economic means as well as military strength/power. When both the said tools too are presumably insufficient, the strategy of forming alliances with stronger and more powerful powers is then pursued(Waltz, 1964; Karl et al, 1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) International Relations Theory of Constructivism The theory of Constructivism is also an important theory practiced in the arena of international relations with places particular emphasis on identities, norms, and culture in world politics. The theory of Constructivism thus allows for identities and interests of states to be used as tools for interactions, as are institutions, norms, and cultures utilized. The importance is therefore given to the different processes, rather than the structure of different actors and institutions not only for interaction, but also for arriving at peaceful means and resolutions of equally varied issues and conflicts in the realm of international relations, (Wendt, 1992). Constructivism as an international theory also explains the role of human consciousness in addressing the various problems and conflicts in the international arena of politics. Thus, one may note that the human action including the human capacity as well as the will of the respective people are duly utilized in order to nurture a deliberate attitude and highlight the significance of a given issue, such as our subject conflict of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It is the combination of the said human capacity and the will which in turn are responsible for the creation of social facts, or aspects which are dependent on the consensus of a given human agreements including but not limited to money, sovereignty and property rights respectively. The international relations theory of constructivism also explains the importance of identities and interests of the different parties to an issue or a conflict, and the fact that these parties or actors music-exist and share common factors as cultural beings. The said different parties also includes the state as one of the social actors, which in turn is bound to follow both international and domestic rules. The state in turn has to follow certain set or rules, norms, institutions, and identities, and thus allow the international relations theory of constructivism to offer new concepts for addressing and perhaps even resolving given issues and conflicts within and amongst states or parties. Thus, one may observe that the role of the human actors as parties to an issue or a given conflict, their identities and the role of institutions perhaps also act as theory’s limitation, and it is this reasoning due to which there is yet to emerge a general theory of social constructivism of reality. Thus it could be assumed that the theory of constructivism is merely confined as a philosophy or a perspective based on theory, rather than an approach to and for the study or practice of international relations. On one hand, the theory of constructivism provides for a fruitful insight otherwise ignored by traditional theorists of international relations. At the same time the theory of constructivism also allows for an alternative framework, even though the same is theoretical in both perspective and practice in the arena of international relations.(Reggie, 1998) The international relations theory of constructivism could well be summed up to include the states as being the primary units of analysis in international political theory. Furthermore, the theory of constructivism gives importance to the relationships of the various actors, including institutions within a given state, rather than focus on the material aspect, as is the case in theory of realism as one example. Another vitally importance aspect of the theory of constructivism is that it gives importance to identities and interests of a state, as also stated in the preceding lines, and somewhat overrides the role of, or system of human nature, or for that matter domestic politics in the realm of international relations. (Wendt,1994, pg.385) The theory of constructivism also offers a combination of social theory of knowledge where the involvement of all the relevant actors/players to an issue or conflict are a requisite, as well as somewhat rejects an individualist approach and theory of action, as is the case in, for example the theory of realism. Then there is the analysis of power in explaining the theory of constructivism, where theorists of constructivism argue that the distinction of the levels of observation and that of action, followed by a reflexive link between the two levels is central for a better understanding of the said theory. (European Journal of International Relations, 2000, pp.147-182) International Relation Theory of Liberalism Unlike the above-discussed theory of Realism, the international relations theory of Liberalism placed emphatically value and importance to international organizations, multinational corporations, Institutions as well as political parties of a given state. Thus, the role of such international organizations as the United Nations Organization, The International Monetary Fund, Transnational corporations to the likes of Shell, institutions such as The Papacy†, and to a certain extent political parties in a state are acknowledged as active players in the wider arena of international relations. In addition, the international relation theory of Liberalism also places broad perspective to such age-old ideas as Wilson Ian Idealism and contemporary neo-liberal and democratic peace thesis. It could also be implied that Liberalism places the value of a state as one actor amongst the different actors, as also stated in the preceding lines. Thus, allowing a state to fully cooperate with and through institutional mechanisms and use bargaining as one of the means to peacefully arrive at solving solutions and protecting interests of the respective state. (Wendt, 1992) Brief Historical Background The above sections of the dissertation briefly discuss some of the dominant theories in international relations the world over, as well as provide an insight on the international relation theory of Realisms â€Å"as a case study. The theory of Realism was chosen since it has become somewhat of a standard theory policy for majority of the western governments, with particular reference to the United States of America. In our present dissertation of Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and forthcoming discussions on the different approaches by both the United States of America as well as the European Union group of countries, it is only imperative that the said conflict be briefed in its entirety. Researchers and analysts the world over have described the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as the War of Two Rights, and rightly so, as it is the precise description which best affirms as well as defines the basic set of principles of humanity on which the conflict continues to date. Both the major partners to the conflict, the Jews and the Palestinians follow their own perspectives, ideals, and common history which has led them to become partners to one of the most volatile and complex of all present day conflicts on the globe. A glimpse on the regions history reveals that there exists a number of causes, issues, and factors which have fuelled, marred, as well as served to escalate this volatile and complex of conflicts over a period of more than 5 decades; the first vote to partition Palestine was casting 1947 marketing the beginning of the present day conflict. Though the singular event of creating a homeland for the Jews in areas that each party claims as their right was primarily between two distinct religions, Zionism and Islam, the conflict today has widened to include people of the same region/land (Palestine), same religions, and similar culture. Thus, one may observe that there are distinct branches of Muslims (Lebanese Shiite and Lebanese Sunnis) and Christians (Jews and Lebanese Christians), all of who follow their own ideals, set of principles and characteristics within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In addition, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict today divides not only the major religions, it also includes and is more than influenced by countries as far off as the United States of America, European Union group of nations and the Soviet Union. This is not to mention the alliances, support and sympathies from equally diverse cultures and regions of a number of countries around the world for both the major parties to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Jews and the Palestinians.(Shapiro, 2005; Lynn, 1993) Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Historical Dateline in Brief A brief historical background to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals that it can well be dated back to the 1800s, a period when the Jewish populations across Europe were facing severe persecutions. The answer to these persecutions led the Jews to a political movement, namely Zionism, in turn allowing them to move towards their biblical Promised Land. This was perhaps the beginning and establishment of a Jewish homeland within Palestine. The period prior to 1920 shows that the present day lands of Israel, all of the Occupied Territories of Gaza, and the West Bank were within Palestine. Yet the influx of Jews from across Europe commenced tensions within the entire Palestine, which later on turned and escalated into one of historys longest ever conflicts. The period of World War I, in particular the year 1916 witnessed the British Empire collaborating, and somewhat convincing various Arab leaders to revolt against the Ottoman Empire in return for support of, and the establishment of an independent Arab state which included Palestine. The British Empire, however did not keep its promise, and only a year later in 1917, announced its support for the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine. This historic turn of events was done by Lord Arthur Balfour, the then British Foreign Minister, as also naming the event as The Balfour Declaration of 1917. The Balfour Declaration of 1917, in turn opened up a new era of tensions between the Israelis and the Palestinian people, somewhat forcing the British Empire to enforce a mandate over the entire Palestine. This mandate spanned from 1920 to 1947. This was also period during which World War II was coming to an end, and the formation of the United Nations was on the anvil of the globe. One of the most severe implications and in-human acts perhaps never witnessed in all of previous human history were the atrocities committed against the Jews at the hands of German leadership, a series of events that forced majority of the western countries to support and bring the Jews to areas that today comprise of the state of Israel, and the occupied territories. Also termed as the Holocaust, the atrocities against the Jews at the hands of the Germans, virtually confirmed their place in the present days regions of Israel. Thus, it would not be wrong to deduce that the Holocaust was one of the primary factors for the formation of the state of Israel. The end of World War II, and the newly formed United Nations then witnessed a move to bring about peace in the Middle East. This was done through the formation of two states, and the internationalization of state of Israel. Palestine was thus partitioned and Israel formed on May 14, 1948. The establishment of a separate state for the Jews also witnessed majority of the Arab states rising in opposition. Among the states in Middle East who rose to oppose the establishment of Israel included Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Trans-Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Egypt. Yet, all these states were defeated at the hands of Israeli army. The Israelis were thus successful in securing a homeland, while the Palestinians were left without a state. An important event in the historical perspective of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the Arab-Israeli war of 1967. The war of 1967 was a pre-emptive strike by the Israelis against Egypt, Syria, and Jordan. Though it was presumably an pre-emptive strike, yet the objective was perhaps to take over the territories of Golan Heights bordering and under the control of Syria, the West Bank bordering and under control of Jordan, and the Gaza strip from Egypt. History is evidence to the fact that Israel more than doubled its territories in this Arab-Israeli War of 1967. It is also one of the crucial issues, which have served to prolong the said issue from being resolved, or for peace to become permanent in the said issue. Later attempts by a number of countries of the Middle East including the United States, such as the joint attacks on Israel by Egypt and Syria in 1973, and the Camp David Accord of 1978 duly sponsored by the United States, and which involved top leaders from both Israeli and Palestine, failed miserably. The 1978 Camp David Accord however did accomplish an ally in Egypt, while the Arab world in general felt loss, as vast areas of disputed Palestine still remained unresolved and disputed. The entire decade of 1980s, the 1990s, and well to the end of the20th century witnessed the emergence of the Palestine uprising, also known as the Intifada, and continued violence in the regions of occupied territories, where the young Palestinians in particular came out on the streets, at times with nothing more than sling shots and stones. At other times, with suicide bombings which left scores of Israelis killed and injured. In response, the Israeli too responded with a result that both sides suffered numerous casualties. The Oslo Peace Accord of 1993, though was an attempt to strike a peace deal forth Palestinians, yet this event, similar to earlier attempts to prove to be a one sided affair. As critics have continuously termed the Oslo Peace Accord to have largely benefited the Israelis more than it did for the Palestinians, as the accord has allowed the Israelis control over land, water, roads, and other necessary resources. As of the present day scenario, Israel today has some of the most advanced and superior military in the region, including both high techmilitary equipment, arms industries, and to top it all, nuclear capability matched only with the largest powers in the world. All this has been possible with economic and military assistance from the United States of America. Aside from the unilateral role of United States of America for the state of Israel, the role of the United Nations too has been critical, as two UN Resolutions, namely UN Resolution 242 and 181both have called for return of all lands captured in the 1967Arab-Israeli War, both of which are yet to be implemented, leaving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict unresolved as ever. (Shah, 2001) The US Involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict A brief on the involvement of the United States of America in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals that the US first collaboration was witnessed when the United States supported the United Nations in the establishment of the State of Israel on May 15, 1948. With the United States of America taking over as the principle ally for the Jews, the British mandate (1920-1947) came to an end. Ever since the establishment of the State of Israel was declared, the United States has continued to support Israel in practically all areas of Israeli economy. According to various studies, the state of Israel has been one of the largest beneficiaries of US aid ever since its establishment in1948, which according to estimates has today reached some 3 billion dollars annually. One of the most significant aspects of US involvement, in the historical perspective, has been the unilateral support provided to Israelis during the 1956 debacle of Suez Canal. In the said debacle, Israel US and EU Approaches Towards Israeli-Palestinian Conflict US and EU Approaches Towards Israeli-Palestinian Conflict The discipline of International Relations is both an academic as well a public policy arena, which emerges from political science. It is the subject and channel of International Relations, which adequately addresses a foreign policy of a state within the confines of an international system. International relations also take into account role of international organizations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), as well as multinational companies/corporations. Since the primary objective of international relations is both an analysis as well as formulation of a foreign policy, it could either be positive, or normative. In order for a foreign policy tube either positive or normative, it has to inculcate such diverse areas and subjects as political science, economics, history, law, philosophy, area studies, sociology, cultural studies, and a number of other social sciences; hence its utility for both analysis as well as formulation of foreign policy. In addition, it also includes and addresses such varied set of issues as economic development, foreign aid, environmental movement, nationalism, nuclear proliferation and human rights. However, for international relations to be practically applicable, effective, or at the least in the realm body of ideas, there are various theories, which ultimately lead us to the real world of policy. International relations theories thus provide a set of guidelines allowing us to agree to, as well as arrive at shaping better international outcomes. In addition, international relation theories allow for a better understanding of world events, and wherever necessary, provide for better solutions to the numerous issues and problems faced by the world community. One may also note that any theory, including the various international theories may not provide for answers to all the problems and issues faced by the world community; yet they do provide and assist us in first thinking about and then finding probable and the most viable solutions to the horde of problems and issues faced by the world community. At the onset, international relation theories can and do provide us with alternatives, and possibly even anticipate the various courses of international events in the global spectrum of politics. Some of the most common and practiced international theories include â€Å"Constructivism, Institutionalism, Marxism, and Neo-Gramscianism. Yet, the most dominant international theories, or rather the schools of thought which have been practiced in international politics include the international theories of Realism and Liberalism (Walt, 1998, p29. Introduction Having briefly touched upon the subject of international relations and international relation theories, the following dissertation will strive to address the said two disciplines within the context of one of the past centuries most disputed international issue; the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The dissertation will thus address this pressing international issue from the perspective of various international theories, with a particular focus on the different approaches taken by the United States of America, and that taken by the European Union. For a better understanding of the different perspectives and approaches taken by the United States of America and the European Union respectively, it would only be imperative that an equal and in-depth study the various international relations theories be also made part of this dissertation. The study of the more dominant, if not all the international theories becomes all the more importance as both the United States of America and the European Union group of nations each follow a somewhat different set of strategies in their international relations. The same is true for Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as both the United States of America as one international player, and the European Union group of nations as the second major player each address, view, and practice more than just a passing difference to one of the present days most pressing international conflict. As the present dissertation addresses the primary subject of the recent different approaches of the United States of America and the European for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular, and the Middle East Peace Process in general, it would only be imperative to commence the paper with the respective international relation theories, and through the study of these theories, present how respective international relations theories have influenced the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The following dissertation will thus strive to address the various international relation theories in brief, namely the theories of ‘Realism, Liberalism, and Constructivism,’ Though all these international relation theories enjoy their distinct places in international relations and politics, the theories of Realism and Constructivism are the ones that are practiced more commonly. Since these two theories comprise and are considered standard policy, the same will comprise of majority of the discussion in the present dissertation. The international relations theory of realism being the most widely practiced, and the fact that it is this vital theory that has been at the helm of most, if not all US foreign policies, the same has also been adopted by majority of nations friendly with the United States, or have been her allies at one time or another. This will be followed by a discussion of the second most vitally important international relations theory, that of ‘Constructivism’. It is this theory of constructivism that has largely been pursued by majority, if not all the European Union nations. The primary distinction between the theory of realism and that of constructivism is that, the theory of realism premises on the realist approach, as the term so states. On the other hand, the theory of constructivism largely relies on softer modes of communication, negotiation, socialization, and pursuit of ends through peaceful measures. The dissertation will then proceed with discussions on both the United States and the European Union nations, and address the perspective and approach taken by each on the issue of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in light of the pertinent international relations theory. Some of the Dominant International Relation Theories In Brief  International Theory of Realism One of the primary topics to be discussed in the present dissertation is the role or perspective of the United States of Americano the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and show whether the United States is influenced by ideas from the international relation theory of â€Å"Realism. In this context, it would only be imperative to present brief on the international relations theory of Realism, some of its key assumptions, and then arrive at the US approach respectively. A brief on the international relations theory of Realism reveals that it has often been associated with German terms of real and realitatimplying substantive or as the term so states real; and politikimplying politics or policy. Both these terms were perhaps first coined by one of Germanys leaders in the earlier part of the 20thcentury, Bismarck. In his attempts to bring about a suitable balance of power amongst the various European states, Bismarck sought peace as one of the most viable solutions in the then Europe of the earlier 20thcentury. Bismarck was aided by a number of realpolitik practitioners â€Å"who worked equally hard to avoid an arms race in Europe. Bismarck’s efforts however did not bear any fruit, as the early part of the 20thcentury witnessed arms race amongst the various nations of Europe, as well as formation of various alliances culminating in one of humanity’s first ever global tragedies, that of World War I. Some of the principle theorist of the international theory of â€Å"Realism â€Å"includes Carr, Kenneth N. Waltz, and Hans J. Morgenthau. However, it was Morgenthaus Politics Among Nations, which perhaps formally systemized classical Realism. According to Margenthau, there exist six principles, which he outlined in his famous book, Politics Among Nations. These six points are presented in the first chapter of his above said book. These vitally important facets of Morgenthau’s Theory of Realism are: International relations †¦is governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature. The key consideration †¦is the concept of interest defined in terms of power’. †¦Interest defined as power is an objective category which is universally valid, although its exact meaning may change with time and circumstance. While moral principles have a place, they cannot be defined identically at every time and place, and apply differently to individuals and the state. The moral aspirations of a particular nation†¦ are not moral laws that govern the universe. Politics is an autonomous sphere that needs to be analysed as an entity, without being subordinated to outside values (Morgenthau, 1973,Chapter 1) International Theory of Realism In-depth studies on the international relations theory of Realism â€Å"reveal that there exist a number of primary assumptions, which guide the followers, or practitioners of the Realism theory. One of the first assumptions of Realism theory is that the entire international system is anarchic implying that that is the state alone is the supreme authority, and no other state or states can or have the capacity to regulate the affairs of another state. The theory of Realism further assumes that any higher supreme authority cannot dictate a state, and that there is no existence of any world government. This implies that each state must strive to create relations with other states on their own, instead of being dictated to do so. The theory of Realism â€Å"further assumes that there is no role for any international organization, non-governmental organization, or multi-national corporation in the affairs of the state, and that the sovereignty of astute governs all the international affairs. Thus, following the assumptions of the theory of Realism, a state is a rational actor amongst the community of global nations, and will always strive toward sits self-interest, which in turn call for ensuring the state’s security. Continuing with the theory of Realism, the same state will take all measures to secure its status as a sovereign nation including but not limited to amassing of resources, and relations with other states to be determined by the respective level of power enjoyed by the other state/s. The level of power in turn is assessed from the respective states economic and military capability. Perhaps the most stringent assumption inherent in the international relations theory of â€Å"Realism is its belief that states are inherently aggressive, and further that a states economic or military expansion can only be limited by the powers of the opposing state. (Waltz, 1964; Karl et al,1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) A further insight into the international relation theory of â€Å"Realism shows that it is divided into two sub-schools of thought, namely maximal realism and minimal realism. The first sub-school of realism, the maximal realism asserts that a state enjoys the status of the most powerful entity in the world, and that all other states ‘align themselves with this powerful state, and that too in their own interest and out of political necessity. The theory of maximal realism further assumes and somewhat asserts that, if there are two equally powerful entities in the world, it presents an unstable international political scenario. A prime example to this respect is that of period of Cold War between the Soviet Union and the United States of America. According the maximal theory of Realism, such a situation will eventually lead to a stable international situation where one entity or state becomes more powerful, while the other into a less powerful entity respectively. (Waltz, 1964; Karl et al, 1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) The second sub-school of Realism, that of minimal realism ‘assumes that the smaller and less powerful entities or states will align themselves with the most powerful entity in the world, and this would be brought about to protect the interests of the smaller and less powerful states from the interests of the larger and single most powerful entity or state. The theory of minimal realism also assumes middle policy where two equally powerful states exist, and where the smaller and less powerful states may align themselves with either of the larger powerful state. The choice of selecting one of the larger and powerful states depends on the smaller states policies of the moment. This also implies that the smaller state may remain aligned with both the powerful states at the same time, yet pursue and align with one state keeping in view the interests and policies on a given area of politics, issue, or social problem. (Waltz, 1964; Karl et al,1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) International Relations Theory of Neo-Realism There exist yet another school of thought, one that is termed sane-realism. This was first coined by Kenneth N. Waltz in 1979, and was in fact an attempt at reformulating the original theory of ‘Realism in a modern and scientific perspective. One of the most works of Waltz was The Theory of International Politics, which aimed to rid the original theory of Realism of its defects. The Neo-Realism ‘school of thought, with Waltz as one of its first proponents assumes and addresses the international relations in terms of the various ‘structural properties of the international system’ which focuses on the distribution of power. The Neo-Realism theory in international relations somewhat rejects the variable of human nature in both times of war as well as peace. The neo-realism theory also neglects domestic politics of a given state, which is perhaps the darkest element of this theory. Neglecting domestic policies of states in turn paves the path for conflict and move towards war, both of which are primarily detrimental to the respective state as well as its populations. In addition, neo-realism theorys primary assumption that the international system is anarchic, as also reiterated in the opening lines of theory of realism, further confirms the theorys own assumptions that conflict and war cannot be avoided. In times of anarchy, as are the assumptions of the neo-realism theory, states pursue goals of security, either through self-help such as amassment of economic and military resources, or through the formation of alliances with those who enjoy the status the most powerful states in the world. However, the pursuit of security goals for a particular states through the neo-realism theory, whether through self-help, or through the alliances with other organizations both is somewhat practical for a short period only. As this theory does not provide a permanent solution to the security needs of that respective nation simply due to the ‘security dilemma where each state is witnessed to ever vigorously pursue attempts to improve its security, in turn provoking other states to do the same. The result of such conflicting approaches is none other than an insecure state, a condition that originally prompted the state to take or adopt policies according to the theory one-realism respectively. (Waltz, Theory of International Politics) Yet another equally negative element of the neo-realism theory is its rejection of international institutions, which normally serve as regulators of state behaviour as well as promotion pdf peace. According to the theorists of neo-realism, the international institutions are entities of self-interested great powers. The role of international institutions as per the theorists of neo-realism is limited to reflection of, instead of providing a concrete shape to the existing distribution of power in a given state. Furthermore, it is the balance of power and its pursuit, which holds true for followers of neo-realism theory. For the governance of, and pursuit of accomplishing a balance of power, the greater and more powerful entities or states acquire both the economic means as well as military strength/power. When both the said tools too are presumably insufficient, the strategy of forming alliances with stronger and more powerful powers is then pursued(Waltz, 1964; Karl et al, 1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) International Relations Theory of Constructivism The theory of Constructivism is also an important theory practiced in the arena of international relations with places particular emphasis on identities, norms, and culture in world politics. The theory of Constructivism thus allows for identities and interests of states to be used as tools for interactions, as are institutions, norms, and cultures utilized. The importance is therefore given to the different processes, rather than the structure of different actors and institutions not only for interaction, but also for arriving at peaceful means and resolutions of equally varied issues and conflicts in the realm of international relations, (Wendt, 1992). Constructivism as an international theory also explains the role of human consciousness in addressing the various problems and conflicts in the international arena of politics. Thus, one may note that the human action including the human capacity as well as the will of the respective people are duly utilized in order to nurture a deliberate attitude and highlight the significance of a given issue, such as our subject conflict of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It is the combination of the said human capacity and the will which in turn are responsible for the creation of social facts, or aspects which are dependent on the consensus of a given human agreements including but not limited to money, sovereignty and property rights respectively. The international relations theory of constructivism also explains the importance of identities and interests of the different parties to an issue or a conflict, and the fact that these parties or actors music-exist and share common factors as cultural beings. The said different parties also includes the state as one of the social actors, which in turn is bound to follow both international and domestic rules. The state in turn has to follow certain set or rules, norms, institutions, and identities, and thus allow the international relations theory of constructivism to offer new concepts for addressing and perhaps even resolving given issues and conflicts within and amongst states or parties. Thus, one may observe that the role of the human actors as parties to an issue or a given conflict, their identities and the role of institutions perhaps also act as theory’s limitation, and it is this reasoning due to which there is yet to emerge a general theory of social constructivism of reality. Thus it could be assumed that the theory of constructivism is merely confined as a philosophy or a perspective based on theory, rather than an approach to and for the study or practice of international relations. On one hand, the theory of constructivism provides for a fruitful insight otherwise ignored by traditional theorists of international relations. At the same time the theory of constructivism also allows for an alternative framework, even though the same is theoretical in both perspective and practice in the arena of international relations.(Reggie, 1998) The international relations theory of constructivism could well be summed up to include the states as being the primary units of analysis in international political theory. Furthermore, the theory of constructivism gives importance to the relationships of the various actors, including institutions within a given state, rather than focus on the material aspect, as is the case in theory of realism as one example. Another vitally importance aspect of the theory of constructivism is that it gives importance to identities and interests of a state, as also stated in the preceding lines, and somewhat overrides the role of, or system of human nature, or for that matter domestic politics in the realm of international relations. (Wendt,1994, pg.385) The theory of constructivism also offers a combination of social theory of knowledge where the involvement of all the relevant actors/players to an issue or conflict are a requisite, as well as somewhat rejects an individualist approach and theory of action, as is the case in, for example the theory of realism. Then there is the analysis of power in explaining the theory of constructivism, where theorists of constructivism argue that the distinction of the levels of observation and that of action, followed by a reflexive link between the two levels is central for a better understanding of the said theory. (European Journal of International Relations, 2000, pp.147-182) International Relation Theory of Liberalism Unlike the above-discussed theory of Realism, the international relations theory of Liberalism placed emphatically value and importance to international organizations, multinational corporations, Institutions as well as political parties of a given state. Thus, the role of such international organizations as the United Nations Organization, The International Monetary Fund, Transnational corporations to the likes of Shell, institutions such as The Papacy†, and to a certain extent political parties in a state are acknowledged as active players in the wider arena of international relations. In addition, the international relation theory of Liberalism also places broad perspective to such age-old ideas as Wilson Ian Idealism and contemporary neo-liberal and democratic peace thesis. It could also be implied that Liberalism places the value of a state as one actor amongst the different actors, as also stated in the preceding lines. Thus, allowing a state to fully cooperate with and through institutional mechanisms and use bargaining as one of the means to peacefully arrive at solving solutions and protecting interests of the respective state. (Wendt, 1992) Brief Historical Background The above sections of the dissertation briefly discuss some of the dominant theories in international relations the world over, as well as provide an insight on the international relation theory of Realisms â€Å"as a case study. The theory of Realism was chosen since it has become somewhat of a standard theory policy for majority of the western governments, with particular reference to the United States of America. In our present dissertation of Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and forthcoming discussions on the different approaches by both the United States of America as well as the European Union group of countries, it is only imperative that the said conflict be briefed in its entirety. Researchers and analysts the world over have described the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as the War of Two Rights, and rightly so, as it is the precise description which best affirms as well as defines the basic set of principles of humanity on which the conflict continues to date. Both the major partners to the conflict, the Jews and the Palestinians follow their own perspectives, ideals, and common history which has led them to become partners to one of the most volatile and complex of all present day conflicts on the globe. A glimpse on the regions history reveals that there exists a number of causes, issues, and factors which have fuelled, marred, as well as served to escalate this volatile and complex of conflicts over a period of more than 5 decades; the first vote to partition Palestine was casting 1947 marketing the beginning of the present day conflict. Though the singular event of creating a homeland for the Jews in areas that each party claims as their right was primarily between two distinct religions, Zionism and Islam, the conflict today has widened to include people of the same region/land (Palestine), same religions, and similar culture. Thus, one may observe that there are distinct branches of Muslims (Lebanese Shiite and Lebanese Sunnis) and Christians (Jews and Lebanese Christians), all of who follow their own ideals, set of principles and characteristics within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In addition, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict today divides not only the major religions, it also includes and is more than influenced by countries as far off as the United States of America, European Union group of nations and the Soviet Union. This is not to mention the alliances, support and sympathies from equally diverse cultures and regions of a number of countries around the world for both the major parties to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Jews and the Palestinians.(Shapiro, 2005; Lynn, 1993) Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Historical Dateline in Brief A brief historical background to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals that it can well be dated back to the 1800s, a period when the Jewish populations across Europe were facing severe persecutions. The answer to these persecutions led the Jews to a political movement, namely Zionism, in turn allowing them to move towards their biblical Promised Land. This was perhaps the beginning and establishment of a Jewish homeland within Palestine. The period prior to 1920 shows that the present day lands of Israel, all of the Occupied Territories of Gaza, and the West Bank were within Palestine. Yet the influx of Jews from across Europe commenced tensions within the entire Palestine, which later on turned and escalated into one of historys longest ever conflicts. The period of World War I, in particular the year 1916 witnessed the British Empire collaborating, and somewhat convincing various Arab leaders to revolt against the Ottoman Empire in return for support of, and the establishment of an independent Arab state which included Palestine. The British Empire, however did not keep its promise, and only a year later in 1917, announced its support for the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine. This historic turn of events was done by Lord Arthur Balfour, the then British Foreign Minister, as also naming the event as The Balfour Declaration of 1917. The Balfour Declaration of 1917, in turn opened up a new era of tensions between the Israelis and the Palestinian people, somewhat forcing the British Empire to enforce a mandate over the entire Palestine. This mandate spanned from 1920 to 1947. This was also period during which World War II was coming to an end, and the formation of the United Nations was on the anvil of the globe. One of the most severe implications and in-human acts perhaps never witnessed in all of previous human history were the atrocities committed against the Jews at the hands of German leadership, a series of events that forced majority of the western countries to support and bring the Jews to areas that today comprise of the state of Israel, and the occupied territories. Also termed as the Holocaust, the atrocities against the Jews at the hands of the Germans, virtually confirmed their place in the present days regions of Israel. Thus, it would not be wrong to deduce that the Holocaust was one of the primary factors for the formation of the state of Israel. The end of World War II, and the newly formed United Nations then witnessed a move to bring about peace in the Middle East. This was done through the formation of two states, and the internationalization of state of Israel. Palestine was thus partitioned and Israel formed on May 14, 1948. The establishment of a separate state for the Jews also witnessed majority of the Arab states rising in opposition. Among the states in Middle East who rose to oppose the establishment of Israel included Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Trans-Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Egypt. Yet, all these states were defeated at the hands of Israeli army. The Israelis were thus successful in securing a homeland, while the Palestinians were left without a state. An important event in the historical perspective of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the Arab-Israeli war of 1967. The war of 1967 was a pre-emptive strike by the Israelis against Egypt, Syria, and Jordan. Though it was presumably an pre-emptive strike, yet the objective was perhaps to take over the territories of Golan Heights bordering and under the control of Syria, the West Bank bordering and under control of Jordan, and the Gaza strip from Egypt. History is evidence to the fact that Israel more than doubled its territories in this Arab-Israeli War of 1967. It is also one of the crucial issues, which have served to prolong the said issue from being resolved, or for peace to become permanent in the said issue. Later attempts by a number of countries of the Middle East including the United States, such as the joint attacks on Israel by Egypt and Syria in 1973, and the Camp David Accord of 1978 duly sponsored by the United States, and which involved top leaders from both Israeli and Palestine, failed miserably. The 1978 Camp David Accord however did accomplish an ally in Egypt, while the Arab world in general felt loss, as vast areas of disputed Palestine still remained unresolved and disputed. The entire decade of 1980s, the 1990s, and well to the end of the20th century witnessed the emergence of the Palestine uprising, also known as the Intifada, and continued violence in the regions of occupied territories, where the young Palestinians in particular came out on the streets, at times with nothing more than sling shots and stones. At other times, with suicide bombings which left scores of Israelis killed and injured. In response, the Israeli too responded with a result that both sides suffered numerous casualties. The Oslo Peace Accord of 1993, though was an attempt to strike a peace deal forth Palestinians, yet this event, similar to earlier attempts to prove to be a one sided affair. As critics have continuously termed the Oslo Peace Accord to have largely benefited the Israelis more than it did for the Palestinians, as the accord has allowed the Israelis control over land, water, roads, and other necessary resources. As of the present day scenario, Israel today has some of the most advanced and superior military in the region, including both high techmilitary equipment, arms industries, and to top it all, nuclear capability matched only with the largest powers in the world. All this has been possible with economic and military assistance from the United States of America. Aside from the unilateral role of United States of America for the state of Israel, the role of the United Nations too has been critical, as two UN Resolutions, namely UN Resolution 242 and 181both have called for return of all lands captured in the 1967Arab-Israeli War, both of which are yet to be implemented, leaving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict unresolved as ever. (Shah, 2001) The US Involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict A brief on the involvement of the United States of America in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals that the US first collaboration was witnessed when the United States supported the United Nations in the establishment of the State of Israel on May 15, 1948. With the United States of America taking over as the principle ally for the Jews, the British mandate (1920-1947) came to an end. Ever since the establishment of the State of Israel was declared, the United States has continued to support Israel in practically all areas of Israeli economy. According to various studies, the state of Israel has been one of the largest beneficiaries of US aid ever since its establishment in1948, which according to estimates has today reached some 3 billion dollars annually. One of the most significant aspects of US involvement, in the historical perspective, has been the unilateral support provided to Israelis during the 1956 debacle of Suez Canal. In the said debacle, Israel